The casualties included the largely Muslim courtly classes, who depended on Nawabi patronage. With their 6 R. With the emergence of nearby Kanpur as the chief trading entrepot in UP, the importance of Lucknow as a provincial commercial centre diminished.
Lucknow, however, remained the centre of grain trade in Awadh. It was also a railway junction, with large workshops connected to it. Many of its artisan industries, however, received a serious setback with the loss of royal and courtly patronage.
The city housed the provincial legislative council and was maintained as an administrative centre by the British. It acquired a place on the urban map of north India after the arrival of the British forces in Under the protective presence of the army, the commercial activities of the East India Company began to develop in Kanpur from the late eighteenth century. During the uprising of , the city witnessed some of the most ferocious battles and much of it was reduced to rubble.
The main impetus for the phenomenal growth of the town, however, came from the development of commerce and manufacturing industries. A tannery was established in , followed by the government leather factory to supply the military demand for harness, saddlery and other leather products.
The Kanpur cotton committee was formed in and several cotton mills were set up between and , along with a woollen mill and an army clothing factory. Kanpur emerged as the only important manufacturing centre in the province, largely servicing British military demands and meeting the requirements of local weavers in upper India for cotton twist and yarn. Though a number of textile and leather mills were owned by British industrialists, indigenous bankers and merchants came to the town to provide the entrepreneurial backbone.
Nevill, Lucknow: A Gazetteer: vol. Rural labourers also gradually began to migrate to Kanpur. The city expanded in size, with new markets, industrial areas and residential zones. Nevill, Cawnpore: A Gazetteer: vol.
Misra ed. Cited in K. The development of municipal services in Lucknow in the years after the uprising has been described in Oldenburg, Making of Colonial Lucknow, chs. A vibrant commercial culture came to dominate north Indian towns. Traders and merchants, a majority of whom were Hindu or Jain, came to constitute a cohesive social group, despite the diversity of mercantile functions and caste distinctions.
This would provide the basis for a central social contradiction that henceforth increasingly shaped urban politics. Growth of industries The pace of urban growth was to quicken considerably after the First World War, with a remarkable population increase and the extensive development of small-scale manufacturing industries producing a wide variety of goods, catering both to local urban demands and to the rural hinterland.
Private banking had become less lucrative, largely owing to the competition of joint-stock banks, and the sarrafs turned to investment in real estate and small-scale industries.
I, pp. Jain, Indigenous Banking in India, London, , p. Back streets and pavements in the bazar areas in the towns became more and more crowded with working people engaged in artisanal and manufacturing workshops karkhanas or working for merchants and dealers. Bhattacharya; pp. Majumdar Choudhury; pp. Srivastava , Allahabad, ; Memoranda of the U. The evidence given to the Royal Commission, for instance, noted their dominance in Allahabad, Lucknow and Benares. The restricted scale of operations and low capital costs also permitted the investors to diversify and spread their investment over a range of products to match the variable market demands and preferences, without tying down their capital to any particular product.
In the early s, during and after the agrarian depression, the s' trend of the development of small-scale industries based on merchant enterprise was further reinforced, probably owing in part to the redirection of capital from depression-hit agricultural production and agrarian trade to urban investments.
The slump in prices and the dumping of cheap factory products from Japan, China and Europe placed formid- able constraints on industrial activity in the UP towns. Industrial reports from this period, however, indicate that smaller workshops to an extent continued to hold their own, though many were forced to curtail production. Their greater adaptability to market condi- tions made them better equipped to respond effectively to the pressures of the depression. The small hosiery workshops, for instance, were reported to have 36 Baker, An Indian Rural Economy, p. Table 2.
Source: R. Moreover, demand for specialised Benares silk, used for social and religious ceremonies, also began to pick up and the silk industry revived quickly. Moreover, many of the crop-processing industries, which had been spread over the countryside, gradually came to be concentrated in the towns and their production increased manifold in their new urban setting. The hosiery industry, for example, met burgeoning local urban and rural demand in UP and also exported goods to the Punjab, Delhi and Calcutta.
With easy access to a variety of oil-seeds local to the province, UP also effectively penetrated the oil markets of the Punjab, Bengal, Bihar, Central India and Rajputana.
A study on the social history of Madras City and its hinterland, c. As a great port and the capital of the largest European empire, London contained large numbers of Chinese , Blacks and Lascars , especially close by the docks. Smith, p. Only a generation later in the British businessman Charles Rey observed that land had risen to the "almost incredible" price of half a dollar to four dollars per square metre 7. Curriculum Vitae.
The boom in building construction in the interwar period also gave a major boost to the engineering industry. General engineering works received an impetus from the increasing demand for machinery in the new sugar factories and hydro-electric schemes, both of which expanded in the province in the s. The development of motor transport opened up a market for vehicle spare parts and spurred on the growth of repair workshops. Thus, the UP trade directory of , which listed all industrial and commercial establishments regardless of their size, mentioned twenty hosiery dealers and manufacturers in Lucknow, eighteen in Kanpur, eight in Allahabad and four in Benares.
With the development of manufacturing industries from the s, the nature of urban development clearly changed. Until the First World War, the large towns studied here had been primarily administrative and commercial centres, with some artisan industries and, in Kanpur, some large mills.
From the s, the towns also became centres for the production of manufacturing goods for local urban and rural markets and processing centres for agrarian produce. The towns, thus, began to generate new occupational opportunities in the workshops and factories, attracting rural migrants in turn.
Before , merchants and professional people had formed a majority of those who settled in the towns. Migration and population expansion: The demographic driver of urban transformation Population growth and in-migration until had been slow and uneven in Allahabad, Lucknow, Benares and Kanpur. Agricultural prosperity in the early decades of the twentieth century, low rates of population growth in the province in general, the stagnation or slow advance of industries in the towns, except in Kanpur, as well as poor urban health conditions militated against steady population expan- sion.
It was from the early s that existing demographic trends were radically reversed. Census reports noted that between and urban population grew twice as fast as that of rural areas, whereas between and population in the towns had grown only about half as fast as rural population.
Source: Census of India, , vol. Lucknow 33, Even Kanpur, where population had, in fact, increased before , albeit irregularly, registered a comparatively far larger growth from the s. Here, as tables 2. Between and , there was an even more dramatic population increase in all four towns, as indicated in table 2. Lucknow In the four decades between and , the total population of UP had increased by 1. Between and , the population increased to 56,,, involving an increase of 6,, Census , p.
It was reported that towns with a population of over , increased at a rate of Chaudhary ed. Mazumdar, Social Contours of an Industrial City, p. In the s and s, there- fore, poorer labourers and agriculturists, who were losing their sources of subsistence in the countryside, were coming in large numbers to the towns and looking to depend increasingly on urban jobs.
These mi- grants, even if they continued to maintain their village social connec- tions, appeared to have largely ceased to draw economic sustenance from the countryside.
Cambridge Core - South Asian History - The Politics of the Urban Poor in Early Twentieth-Century India - by Nandini Gooptu. Read The Politics of the Urban Poor in Early Twentieth-Century India (Cambridge Studies in Indian History and Society) book reviews & author details and more.
Evidence given to the Royal Commission on Labour by the representatives of the UICC suggested not only that the labour supply from rural areas was now relatively more stable and abundant than in the past, but also that the continuing tendency of labour to return to the countryside for seasonal work was, in fact, partly due to the uncertainty of urban employment rather than the positive pull of rural jobs or income.
The labourers came for a period and went back home. They were in no sense an industrial population. This phase has been gradually passing away and there is now an established industrial population which forms a very large percentage of general labourers. In the view of this Committee: In India it is often said that.
Many of these migrants also sought to settle permanently in the towns with their families whenever possible,84 although the scarcity of housing and urban residential land often deterred them and ensured that they maintained at least social and family contacts with their villages. Women earners and working dependants were remarkably few. In , the percentage of women in the total population of urban earners and working dependants was This is likely to be either an overestimate, as housing was scarce in the towns, or a comment about the core of permanent labourers employed by the mills who had some provision of housing from the mills.
X, Part III, p. According to factory statistics in the early s, 95 per cent of the industrial labour force was male. This would have important political implications, especially in the promi- nence of a martial, masculine political culture of the poor, which will be discussed in the second part of this book.
Employment in manufacturing industry In the interwar period, then, Kanpur, Allahabad, Lucknow and Benares, in varying degrees, experienced the increasing specialisation and concentration of manufacturing and commercial functions, and attracted a large number of job seekers, swelling the ranks of the poor who were already there. In and , Employment came to be concentrated here, with, of course, the notable exception of the large factories of Kanpur. Their importance can, however, be well surmised from indirect evi- dence.
According to the census returns of , the total number of people employed in industries in all UP towns was ,,91 while the provincial average daily factory employment in that year accounted for 93, workers,92 which included workers in larger enumerated factories in both urban and rural areas, though a substantial majority of these 93, workers can be expected to have been concentrated in the towns, especially in Kanpur.
An important feature of industrial employment in interwar urban UP was its largely unskilled and casual nature. Employment in them, as a result, could not be based substantially on permanent skilled workforces, but depended mainly on general, manual labour. Demand for labour was shifting and variable, creating a casual labour market. This was, however, not a characteristic feature of smaller units alone. Like the smaller industrial units, the larger factories of the so-called organised or formal sector, with greater mechanisation and bigger workforces, relied only on a core of skilled workers and employed a large proportion of casual, temporary or substitute labour.
Ordnance Factory 70 per cent of workers were unskilled.